The Society for Scientific Exploration or SSE is an organization doing research on the anomalous and the paranormal. The SSE publishes a monthly bulletin called the Explorer, and a quarterly journal with back editions you can read here, without being blocked by a paywall.
The current leader of the SSE is James Houran. Houran makes frequent use of the extremely elastic "shame and slur them" jargon term "transliminality," a not-really-scientific term presumably designed to stigmatize various witnesses or believers in reasonable things as being guilty of "fantasy proneness" or "magical ideation." The word "transliminality" has appeared in the titles of ten papers Houran has authored or co-authored. In one paper Houran uses that term "transliminality" 15 times, and the term "transliminal" 5 times. The definition he gives of the term "transliminality" in one paper is the nonsensical-sounding definition of "a hypothesized tendency for psychological material to cross thresholds into or out of consciousness."
In the latest edition of the SSE's Explorer, we have a defense of the term "Haunted People Syndrome," which seems to be a term used by a very tiny group of psychologists to try to pathologize or stigmatize some witnesses of the paranormal, to make them sound psychologically disturbed. The word "pathologize" is defined by the Cambridge Dictionary as "to unfairly or wrongly consider something or someone as a problem, especially a medical problem."
The term "Haunted People Syndrome" was coined in 2019 by a group of researchers including Ciarán O’Keeffe and James Houran. In the latest edition of the Explorer, we read a defense of that term "Haunted People Syndrome," denying that it is a term that pathologizes witnesses of the paranormal. Referring to the term "Haunted People Syndrome", someone incorrectly claims "the HP-S model is not diagnostic or pathologizing." That is not correct, because this HP-S model is pathologizing.
The writer of the Explorer article is not identified, but we may suspect it is either Houran (currently in charge of the Society for Scientific Exploration) or Ciarán O’Keeffe, who is thanked at the end of the article. Misspeaking badly, the Explorer writer claims this:
"Unfortunately, the technical term 'syndrome' is often misread by non‑specialists as implying a psychiatric disorder or condition. Instead, as is common in behavioral sciences, it refers to a cluster of signs, symptoms, or features with no established cause. It is a descriptive label—not a diagnostic one—and carries no implication of pathology."
That is not correct. The term "syndrome" definitely does carry an insinuation of pathology.
The quote below from the original 2019 paper introducing the term "Haunted People Syndrome" should make you suspect that the authors such as Houran and O’Keeffe were introducing the term in an attempt to pathologize or stigmatize some witnesses of the paranormal or people reporting spooky events:
"The term 'syndrome' refers to a set of signs and symptoms that occur together to characterise an abnormality or condition (British Medical Association, 2018), therefore the concept of HP-S [Haunted People Syndrome] most obviously encompasses percipients within the general population who invoke labels of ghosts or other supernatural agencies to explain a specific set of anomalous events that often are perceived recurrently."
In that paper the authors suggest that this "Haunted People Syndrome" tag of shame should be applied to people such as witnesses who report "apparent object movements, malfunctioning of electrical or mechanical equipment, and inexplicable percussive sounds like raps or knockings." I made a very exhaustive study of the very many people in the nineteenth century who reported the extremely widely-reported phenomenon of mysterious raps, focusing on the original, earliest published reports of such cases. I found no sign at all that any of the reports could be explained by any theory of psychological disturbance in some individual. To the contrary, the most notable feature of such reports is how very often they occurred as reports in which multiple witnesses (very often more than three) were simultaneously reporting hearing the strange sounds occurring very loudly. My posts documenting such occurrences can be read using the link here leading to a free online book collecting the posts.
A look at the papers co-authored by Houran on the topic of this "haunted people syndrome" leaves me with a very clear impression that the authors wish to stigmatize, pathologize and delegitimize certain types of witnesses of the spooky. For example in the paper here Houran states that his "Haunted People Syndrome" or HP-S "equates the psychological drivers of these anomalous events to some of the fundamental mechanisms that stoke outbreaks of mass (contagious) psychogenic illness or autohypnotic phenomena." And in the paper here Houran and his co-authors state, "This view essentially equates ghostly episodes to the same fundamental mechanisms that stoke instances of mass (contagious) psychogenic illness." And the beginning of Houran's paper here states, "Haunted People Syndrome (HP-S) denotes individuals who recurrently report various 'supernatural' encounters in everyday settings ostensibly due to heightened somatic-sensory sensitivities to dis-ease states (e.g., marked but sub-clinical levels of distress), which are contextualized by paranormal beliefs and reinforced by perceptual contagion effects."
Whoever claimed in the recent SSE Explorer article that "Haunted People Syndrome" is not an example of pathologizing people has misstated the truth badly. Claims of "Haunted People Syndrome" are pretty obviously examples of "shame the witnesses" stigmatizing that can be called gaslighting or pathologizing, and seem like examples of weaponized psychology in which the chief goal seems to be to destroy or damage the credibility of certain types of witnesses and claimants (I here use the word "gaslighting" in the broader sense of the word, to mean someone trying to undermine the report of some witness by suggesting pathology in the witness).
On page 180 of the document here, in a paper entitled "Quantifying the Phenomenology of Ghostly Episodes: Part II – A Rasch Model of Spontaneous Accounts," we read of a "Survey of Strange Events" created by Houran and O’Keeffe. It is a type of survey that rather seems to be designed to get as many "Yes" answers as possible, with all "yes" answers being used to discredit or suggest pathology in the people taking the survey. Some of the items are very questionable, given the purpose of the survey. Among them are these:
#1: "I saw with my naked eye a non-descript visual image, like fog, shadow or unusual light."
#4: "I smelled a mysterious odor that was pleasant."
#5: "I smelled a mysterious odor that was unpleasant."
#6: "I had a positive feeling for no obvious reason, like happiness, love, joy, or peace."
#7: "I had a negative feeling for no obvious reason, like anger, sadness, panic, or danger."
#8. "I felt odd sensations in my body, such as dizziness, tingling, electrical shock, or nausea (sick in my stomach)."
#9: "I had a mysterious taste in my mouth."
#16: "I heard mysterious sounds that could be recognized or identified, such as ghostly voices or music (with or without singing)."
#17: "I heard mysterious 'mechanical' or non-descript noises, such as tapping, knocking, rattling, banging, crashing, footsteps or the sound of opening/closing doors or drawers."
22. "I saw objects moving on their own across a surface or falling."
25. "Pictures from my camera or mobile device captured unusual images, shapes, distortions or effects."
26. "Plumbing equipment or systems (faucets, disposal, toilet) functioned improperly or not at all."
27. "I saw objects breaking (or discovered them broken), like shattered or cracked glass, mirrors or housewares."
28. "I heard mysterious 'mechanical' or non-descript noises, such as tapping, knocking, rattling, banging, crashing, footsteps or the sound of opening/closing doors or drawer."
Very strangely, this survey is introduced with the claim of "we calibrated a 32-item, Rasch-based 'Survey of Strange Events (SSE)' to quantify the phenomenology of ghostly episodes." But none of the 14 items above refer exclusively to anything involving ghosts or spirits, and only one of the items listed above refers to ghosts or spirits. 13 out of 14 items are items that might be reported by someone experiencing natural events having nothing to do with ghosts or spirits. For example, anyone seeing a shadow would answer "yes" to question 1; any anyone seeing anything falling might answer "yes" to question 22; anyone who ever had a clogged toilet would answer "yes" to question 26; and anyone who ever twice dropped a glass and saw it shatter would answer "yes" to question 27.
So I am left puzzled by this survey, which seems badly designed. Why would anyone add such items in a survey alleged to be quantifying "the phenomenology of ghostly episodes"? Maybe to get survey scores as high as possible, or to get a nonzero score from as many people as possible, even those who had not reported seeing or hearing or feeling a ghost or spirit.
The survey also has other items which are badly worded, taking the form of "leading questions" seemingly designed to elicit a dogmatic answer from the person taking the survey. So, for example, an item 16 that should have been some non-dogmatic statement as "I experienced something that could have been communication with the dead" or "I experienced something that could have been a sign from the dead" appears as the dogmatic statement "I communicated with the dead or other outside force."
Because of all of these defects in this Survey of Strange Events, I cannot take seriously any paper using it in an attempt to validate the existence of such a thing as "Haunted People Syndrome." So when Houran and O' Keeffe use such a survey in the paper here, one entitled "The Dr. John Hall story: a case study in putative 'Haunted People Syndrome' ", we should have no confidence in their methodology. And we should be left with a low confidence in the paper when we consider that this "Survey of Strange Events" contains mostly first-person statements beginning with the word "I," with 27 out of 32 survey items beginning with "I"; but the authors of the paper did not get any completion of the survey from the person who is the subject of their paper (Hall). So in Table 2 of the paper authors or their helper rather seem to be "putting words in the mouth" of the target subject (Hall), by counting him as answering "Yes" to questions on a survey he did not actually take. (We read, "An experimentally-blind rater reviewed Hall’s (2009) self-reported group-stalking experiences and coded their alignment with the SSE [Survey of Strange Events] categories.") The authors claiming the case of Hall as validation for their attempted explanation of "ghostly episodes" is laughable, as Hall's claims apparently do not even involve supernatural-seeming events, judging from a book of his that makes no substantive mention of ghosts, spirits or the supernatural, but instead makes claims of shadowy clandestine intrusions and interference by governments or their agents.
A very close look at the Table 2 of that paper may leave the reader shaking his head in dismay, because there seems to be occurring multiple misclassifications in which events that do not match the items on the Survey of Strange Events are being counted as matches of items on that survey. For example, "lies spread about victim" are being counted as examples of a survey item referring to "ghostly voices"; spam emails and spam phone calls are being counted as examples of a survey item referring to spooky electrical malfunctions; suspicions of being secretly followed or spied on are being counted as examples of a survey item referring to ghosts and apparitions; and cases of "left unwanted items" or "unsolicited letters" are being counted as examples of the survey item "I experienced objects disappear or reappear around me." All four of these seem like classification errors by the paper authors.
A similar "putting words into someone's mouth" seems to be going on in the paper "Haunted People Syndrome Redux: Concurrent Validity From an Independent Case Study," in which Houran and O' Keeffe apply their "Survey of Strange Events" survey (containing mainly first-person assertions) to a case (investigated by Auerbach) involving people who never actually completed their survey. Table 3 of that paper has 27 first-person sentences beginning with "I" (such as "I saw objects flying or floating in midair"). But that table was not filled in by any actual witness or person reporting something spooky, but was instead filled in by someone else, basically "putting words into the mouth" of someone else after studying what someone else reported.
This seems to be methodology that has gone badly astray. Researchers eager to try to validate the "Haunted People Syndrome" concept have committed methodology bungling. No one should ever be filling in for someone else some survey consisting mainly of first person assertions beginning with "I," just as your friend should not be doing your income tax form without your consent, in an attempt to validate some theory he has about you.
Referring to Houran and O'Keeffe's paper mentioned above ("Haunted People Syndrome Redux: Concurrent Validity From an Independent Case Study"), another paper mentions voluminous objections to that paper, by stating this:
"We take issue with a number of O’Keeffe et al.’s claims on logical, empirical, conceptual, and clinical grounds, and since our counterarguments are too extensive to meet the 10,000 word limit allotted to us by the JSE, we instead present them in the collection of papers contained herein, prefaced by introductory remarks from L.A."
The authors of that paper (or collection of papers) seem to have some complaints similar to those I discuss above; and we hear mention of a complaint of "what appears to be a possible misinterpretation or seeming misrepresentation of Auerbach et al.’s data."
The concept of "Haunted People Syndrome" is a relatively recent invention contrived by a tiny band of researchers such as Houran and O'Keeffe, a group probably small enough to fit in a small room. The term "Haunted People Syndrome" does not appear in the standard manual of psychiatric diagnostics, the DSM-5. Even if you were to get the original witnesses to fill out some survey such as the Survey of Strange Events, that would do nothing to show the validity of the "Haunted People Syndrome" concept. That survey does not even mention fear or distress, so it seems senseless for Houran to keep trying to suggest that some score on that survey validates a "Haunted People Syndrome" concept based on claims of distress or fear causing reports of the anomalous. A high score on this Survey of Strange Events merely suggests that something very spooky was reported, and does nothing to show a cause of such reports.
Houran and O'Keeffe seem like people who may be clinging to old stereotypes about reports of apparitions. I pointed out in a 2014 post that such stereotypes were discredited by a study published in that year, a study of 39 people who claimed to see an apparition. The study concluded that “nearly all of our participants identified either a positive or nonthreatening encounter with a ghost.” The study discredits the "Haunted People Syndrome" idea of Houran that apparition sightings are best explained as being caused by "marked but sub-clinical levels of distress." These days apparitions sightings most commonly occur as deathbed visions, and such things tend to be not scary at all, but comforting. To read about deathbed visions, read my series of posts here.
You could easily write a very long book solely on the topic of psychologists and other scientists who have unfairly pathologized and stigmatized healthy people by trying to gin up some narrative of mental problems. One chapter of that book would discuss how homosexuality was long classified as a mental illness, with pseudoscientific Freudian claims used to try to justify such a classification. Another chapter of that book would discuss all the psychologists who gave a diagnosis of "sluggish schizophrenia" to many healthy dissidents merely because they expressed dissatisfaction with the so-called "worker's paradise" of the Soviet Union. An additional chapter in that book could be written from the very many posts of the "Mad in America" website that abundantly document cases of eager-to-pathologize psychiatrists or psychologists applying psychiatric labels (or psychiatric-sounding labels) to people in some very dubious manner, with unnecessary harm often resulting. Another chapter of that book would discuss all of the psychologists and scientists who wrongly used the word "hallucination" when describing spooky observational reports by psychologically normal witnesses with no history of mental illness.
The very high prevalence of reports of the paranormal tends to suggest the invalidity of attempts to explain them by evoking rare psychological syndromes. According to the paper "Psychic Experiences in the Multinational Human Values Study: Who Reports Them?" here: "Three items on personal psychic experiences (telepathy, clairvoyance, contact with the dead) were included in a survey of human values that was conducted on large representative samples in 13 countries in Europe and in the U.S. (N = 18,607). In Europe, the percentage of persons reporting telepathy was 34%; clairvoyance was reported by 21%; and 25% reported contact with the dead. Percentages for the U.S. were considerably higher: 54%, 25% and 30% respectively."
Similar results are reported below:
- A 2015 Pew Research poll found that 18% of Americans said they've seen or been in the presence of a ghost, and that 29% said that they've felt in touch with someone who died.
- A 1976 survey of 1467 people in the US asked people if they had ever "felt as though you were really in touch with someone who had died?" 27% answered "Yes."
On the page here, we read this:
" A new YouGov poll asked Americans about their paranormal experiences. Most Americans say they’ve had at least one paranormal experience, and many believe that they personally have a paranormal ability."
The poll was a survey of 1136 American adults. Among the more interesting findings were these:
- 18% of the Americans polled reported "seeing unexplained orbs of light."
- 16% of the Americans polled reported "seeing a spirit or ghost." Of these, the majority said they had seen such a thing more than once.
- 23% of the Americans polled reported "seeing lights or other devices turn on or off without explanation."
- 17% of the Americans polled reported "seeing an object move without explanation."
- 16% of the Americans polled reported "seeing a door open or close without explanation."















